Not to be forgotten are the lengthy parliamentary sessions, often extending into the night, during which government proposals were disguised as parliamentary initiatives.

This maneuver effectively circumvented public consultations and suppressed critical discussions on the threats to democracy and violations of human and citizen rights.

At the time, it appeared that the political machinery, ruthlessly dismantling constitutional norms and democratic values, was akin to a racing car.

However, it was only over a year later, following the expiration of the terms of the majority of judges not affiliated with PiS, that the Tribunal was brought to a complete standstill.

Covid helped solidify control.

While massive public demonstrations and legal judgments handed down by the Court of Justice of the EU slowed or halted certain changes in the judicial system, the process of reorganising the common courts continued.

The COVID-19 pandemic, meanwhile, emboldened PiS to disregard democratic norms. PiS, under the pretext of the pandemic, constructed a system in which it can push for elections under conditions that endanger the health and lives of voters and those responsible for organising the voting process, such as postal workers, commission members and election officials.

It cost about 70 million zlotych (about $15 million) to organise the so-called “wybory kopertowe” (postal elections)  — in violation of our right to anonymity — which never happened.

This wasn’t the only misuse of funds. The PiS party has faced various accusations of misusing taxpayer money and filling government positions with their associates, friends and family members over the years.

In 2018, there were allegations of corruption and mismanagement within the National Health Fund (NFZ), a public institution. The accusations included unfair distribution of funds and the use of taxpayer money for non-health-related purposes. The PiS party has faced allegations of employing the “party patronage” system, in which party members are placed in key positions, even if they lack qualifications. Critics argue that this leads to a less efficient and more politicised public administration. Yet, what shook me to my core, was a matter closest to my heart: women’s rights.

Elections electrify the people.

In 2020, the PiS government attempted to pass a highly-restrictive abortion law that would have effectively banned abortion in nearly all cases, including cases of fetal abnormalities. This sparked widespread protests across Poland called “Czarne Parasolki” (Black Umbrellas) facing police brutality. There is an almost complete ban on abortion, no in vitro fertilisation refunds, poor sex education at schools and the Minister of Education wants schools to prepare girls for a life based on “womanly virtues.”

Then came the recent elections. On the 15th of October 2023, 74% of Poles voted. That included almost twice as many young people, 18–30 years old, voting than did in the 2019 elections. The opposition, led by the former Prime Minister of Poland Donald Tusk, united to combat the authoritarian regime and won.

In the parliamentary elections, PiS won 194 seats, while three parties that represent progressive ideals — the Civic Coalition (KO), the Third Way (Trzecia Droga) and New Left (Nowa Lewica) won a combined 248 votes.

What now? With all that has changed in Poland, I fear for the winning parties and what they can actually achieve. So far, PiS has not transferred power and tries to cling to it as long as possible. Fortunately, significant changes are on the horizon for Poland.

First and foremost, a major personnel revolution is awaiting us. Poles look forward to the return of proper democracy, free media and if I may say, dignity of life. It is yet to be seen what the new Parliament achieves, but I remain hopeful. Hopeful for Poland, for its land and peoples.